Clinging to the Stone Wall

When I have a chance to get down to Gettysburg and spend some time on the battlefield, I prefer using my legs rather than a car, and I try to find quiet places away from tour traffic. Of all the many areas to explore, I've always rated the Wheatfield and Rose's Woods among my favorite spots. It's true, Sickles Avenue travels right across the Wheatfield carrying tourists on the two-hour driving tour, or those moving on from an excursion at Devils Den. But you can get away from the main roads bit. The loop out to the Rose Farm fields on Cross/Brooke/De Trobriand Avenues rarely has many visitors, and the old trolly path that works its way up from Devils Den provides a secluded, if often muddy, hike.

I enjoy the many stories of this area of the field. The attacks here resulted in a confusing, see-saw struggle that sucked in waves of reinforcements on both sides, and featured some of the bloodiest fighting of the entire war. Some 20,000 soldiers fought here on the evening of July 2nd, and 30% became casualties. Today, these woods and fields are filled with many monuments. Some are typical regimental monuments, others a bit more unique. You can find small markers denoting the locations where Lieutenant Colonel Henry Merwin and Captain Jed Chapman of the 27th Connecticut, and Captain Henry Fuller of the 64th New York fell. If you so choose, you can locate the rock where Colonel John Wheeler supposedly fell leading the 20th Indiana, or the rock marked with an "X" that Colonel John R. Brooke allegedly stood on to better observe Confederate forces arrayed against him. Non-military stories abound as well. You can walk in the footsteps of Alexander Gardner and his crew of cameramen where they recorded their famous death studies. Or you can visit the Rose farm, read J. Howard Wert's description of the landscape he saw here after the battle, and contemplate the ruin and destruction that awaited John Rose when he returned to his home. One marker on the Stony Hill denotes the location of an advanced aid station set up behind a group of rocks and boulders by surgeon Z. Boylston Adams of the 32nd Massachusetts. Just yards from the firing line, the close proximity of this station provided swift medical care for wounded soldiers, and likely saved lives. Today it's a great place to interpret medical care on the battlefield. Of all the many interesting markers and monuments in the Wheatfield area though, my favorite has always been the 17th Maine's. The artistry of this monument conveys to the viewer important details about the experiences of the men in the ranks on the afternoon of July 2nd, 1863.

17th Maine Monument in the Wheatfield. Note the
stone wall in rear of the monument. Photo by Jenn
Goellnitz. Creative Commons Licensing.

Dedicated on October 10, 1888 and designed by the Hallowell Granite Company, the twenty-foot high regimental monument sits astride the stone wall at the southern edge of the Wheatfield. On top is a statue chiseled out of white Hallowell granite that features an infantryman resting behind a stone wall  with the rifle at the ready, peering into Rose's Woods. The stone wall represents the very wall that still stands today at the southern base of the monument. The wall was included in the design of the monument to reflect its importance to those that clung to it for cover during the battle.

The regiment entered the battle on July 2nd with 350 men commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Charles B. Merrill, a 36-year-old lawyer from Portland. Initially deployed on the Stony Hill that afternoon, Merrill received orders shortly after the Confederate attack began to take his men across the Wheatfield to fill a gap that existed between the forces on the Stony Hill and Brigadier General J. Hobart Ward's line above Devil's Den. Lieutenant Charles W. Roberts, the 17th's adjutant, later recalled:

The regiment immediately moved by the left flank double-quick through the woods in our front, diagonally across the wheat-field to a stone wall separating it from thick woods beyond, which we found occupied by the enemy, who opened upon us a heavy musketry fire as we neared the wall; but upon reaching it we were well protected and had no difficulty in holding our position against his repeated assaults.

At first, the 17th only faced the right of the 3rd Arkansas, which fired at the Maine men from the cover of rocks and trees. On the rise of ground in the Wheatfield behind the 17th, six Napoleons of Battery D, 1st New York Light artillery began blasting solid shot into the trees over the heads of the Maine men. Two regiments from Colonel George C. Burling's brigade, the 115th Pennsylvania and 8th New Jersey, soon moved into line on the right of the 17th. New Confederate forces also moved into the area with the arrival of Tige Anderson's Georgia brigade to support the 3rd Arkansas. Private John Haley, a 23 year-old mill worker from Biddeford, Maine, reported that as the Georgians pressed their attack "there was a dreadful buzzing of bullets and other missiles, highly suggestive of an obituary notice for a goodly number of Johnny Rebs.... A great number of our own men were sharing the same fate."

The value of the stone wall was as obvious to the men of the 17th Maine as the lack of protection was obvious to Burling's regiments to its right. Lieutenant Roberts understood this:

Lacking the friendly shelter of the stone wall which barely extended to the right of our line, [the force to our right] was unable to withstand the terrific fire poured in upon it and soon retired with the loss of many of its members. Taking advantage of the repulse... the enemy advanced into the ravine evidently with the intention of flanking the 17th Maine. As soon as his object was discovered, Colonel Merrill ordered a portion of our right wing to swing back at right angles with the stone wall in front, and it came within my line of duty to communicate that order to the captains of the several companies, as the rattle of musketry and roar of artillery from a battery near us prevented the voice of our commander from being heard along the line. The movement was promptly executed in the face of a severe fire from the enemy in front and upon our flank, but with heavy loss to the regiment, two of the captains and one of the lieutenants receiving mortal wounds and many of the enlisted men falling under the shower of bullets.

With the right three companies of the regiment now facing west and positioned along a rail fence that ran perpendicular to the stone wall, the fight continued. Anderson's Georgians tenaciously rushed up to the wall, where hand-to-hand combat ensued. A color bearer attempted to plant his flag at the wall, but was driven back. After a fierce struggle, the Georgians fell back to reform, and to seek aid. They found help when the South Carolina brigade of Brigadier General Joseph Kershaw crossed the Emmitsburg Road and approached the Wheatfield from the west. At the same time, Anderson renewed his assault, and the Union line began to fall apart. Kershaw's men flanked the 5th Michigan and 110th Pennsylvania and began to approach the right rear of the 17th. A crisis had arrived. Private Haley recalled the moment:

At this point, while shot, shell, spherical case, and canister filled the air, General de Trobriand, our brigade commander, rode down into the wheat field and inquired, "What troops are those holding the stone wall so stubbornly?" On learning it was the 17th Maine, one of his regiments, he ordered us to "Fall back, right away!" But we didn't bear the order. It isn't often that an order to fall back in a battlefield is disregarded. The old fellow didn't quite comprehend this state of ours. We had good reason for our action. This stone wall was a great protection and the Rebels were straining every nerve to get possession of it for the same purpose. So we held it till our ammunition was exhausted and we had used all we could find on the dead and wounded. If we could hold on until reinforcements or a supply of ammunition came, all would be well. Otherwise, no one could tell what direful woes might befall us.

In their rear, as other units gave way Battery D began to fire case and canister at the Rebel forces. Soon another order arrived at the stone wall, this born by an aide to division commander David Birney, and warning the 17th that they were in danger of capture. "We knew that the moment we abandoned our position the Rebels would seize it," Haley continued, "But we couldn't hold it without ammunition, and as the troops on our right gave way, we saw it was now time for us to go."

Reluctantly giving up their stone wall, the 17th fell back to the Wheatfield Road. They did not stay here long. The rapid withdraw of troops had endangered Battery D, now attempting to withdraw while Confederates in the woods picked off its men and horses. General Birney appeared in front of the 17th and directed it to move back into the Wheatfield to to buy time for the gunners. Lieutenant Colonel Merrill, filing his report on July 5th, recorded that:

With cheers for our gallant commander the regiment moved quickly forward, and pouring into the enemy volley after volley their advance was checked. The contest now was of a most deadly character, almost hand to hand, and our loss was very severe.  In the Color Guard of ten but three escaped uninjured.

While the regiment stood alone along the crest of the ridge in the Wheatfield, Lieutenant Roberts was wounded:

I was struck in the right leg above the knee by a bullet with such force as to throw me upon my face. Colonel Merrill, who was standing near me, immediately cut one of the straps from his sword belt and bound it tightly around my limb to stop the flow of blood, and ordered four of the men near at hand to take me to the rear in a rubber blanket, as the stretchers and ambulance corps were all in use at that moment.... In being carried to the rear I passed through two lines of battle that were apparently forming for the relief of the Third Corps, which had been under fire without support since early in the afternoon. 

 The regiment out of ammunition, and reinforcements at hand, the 17th withdrew and ended its fight in the Wheatfield. The men had stubbornly held to the protection of that low stone wall, and were one of the last organized Union forces remaining in the Wheatfield at the end of the first phase of fighting. In the process, they bought enough time for reinforcements to arrive. Just as the Confederates appeared to have won the field, a new phase of fighting was about to begin.

Today, the infantryman sitting behind the stone wall atop the 17th's monument gives us an accurate image of the 17th's experience, and shows modern battlefield tourists just how important that stone wall was to the course of events that afternoon.

From Petersburg to Andersonville

For more posts about Sergeant John L. Hoster's experiences, from Cold Harbor to Andersonville, click here.

On November 29, 1863, Sergeant John L. Hoster took some time away from his duties at Fort Norfolk to write a letter to his sweetheart Josie Cole in Canoga, New York. Hoster had recently read accounts of the awful conditions of life at Libby prison, as related by recently released surgeons. "The thoughts of being taken prisoner are worse than those of death," he concluded. A little over six months later, on June 15th, 1864, his worst fears were realized when he was captured along the banks of the Appomattox River outside of Petersburg, along with 22 other members of the 148th New York. Taken to the Custom House in Petersburg, the men were stripped of their valuables and interrogated. In the process, Hoster and his comrades confirmed Confederate intelligence reports that the entire 18th corps was in front of Petersburg. Then, the men were temporarily confined to a building on a back street in the city. Sergeant Hoster would face the ordeal of his life over the next eight months. Throughout it all, he continued to record daily entries in his diary. We pick up with his entry for June 16, 1864.

Thursday, June 16th
Warm and pleasant. We were allowed to go out one at a time to wash, after which rations of hardtack and bacon were issued to us. About 9 o'clock we were marched to the depot and took the cars en route for Weldon, distant from Petersburg 60 miles. We changed cars at this place and started for Wilmington. We were furnished with passenger cars and plenty of room at that.

Friday, June 17th
Warm and pleasant. We arrived at Wilmington about 11 o'clock. The cars from Weldon had seats running lengthwise. Therefore, we were not as comfortable as in the passenger cars. Left Wilmington a little after noon for Kingsville. We have good passenger cars again.

Saturday, June 18th
Very pleasant. Arrived in Kingsville, S.C. about daylight. While waiting for the cars we were permitted to make coffee. The Lt. in command is a fine gentlemanly sort of a fellow. 60 miles from Petersburg to Weldon, 162 miles from Weldon to Wilmington, from Wilmington to Kingsville 171 miles. Arrived at Branchville about 11 o'clock. Arrived at Augusta, Ga., near sundown. On the road from Branchville to Augusta the women came with biscuit, meat, chicken and butter for the furloughed soldiers. Then after serving them they gave us a small portion. At Augusta we were not fortunate enough to get passenger cars, having to put up with a cattle car.

Sunday, June 19th
Was rather close in the box car last night but notwithstanding, I enjoyed a very good nights sleep. Arrived at Andersonville which is nothing more than a station stop late in the afternoon. After turning us over to a Capt. who seemed to have all to do with the prisoners, we had the satisfaction of being out in an awful rain storm. Quite a number of prisoners arrived from the Western Army. Our squad was soon taken inside the large blockade and assigned to detachment 16 - Mess 2. With difficulty we found room for three of us to pitch our tent. Corpl. Pringle, James A. Hudson and myself. The Sergt. in charge of our detail informed us that we would draw rations the next night and that we must be sure and be present at roll call the next morning at 8 o'clock, at which time a drum would beat. The men are divided into detachments of 270 men each and each detachment into three messes. A Sgt. has charge of each detachment and every mess is under the charge of a Sgt. who issues the rations to his mess.

Monday, June 20th
Warm, rainy in the afternoon. We are quite comfortable in our tents. I took a stroll through camp today and "Oh! horrors-of-horrors", the sight which greeted my eyes! Some men, not a shred of clothing, others with scarcely a thread to cover their nakedness, others with a shirt and a pair of drawers as black as the ace of spades with grease and dirt. Some have no means of shielding themselves from the inclemency of the weather. Some have a sort of tent made of a woolen blanket and a few have shelter tents. A creek runs through the center of the yard at the lower end of which is a large sink. Nothing but a frame work. Some of the men are not able to go to the sink and do their business just outside their tents in small holes and some have been seen to do it in small holes made with the heel inside the tent, while some do it on the surface outside. Hundreds use the banks of the stream, creating an awful stench and rendering the water unfit to wash in. Thus the slovenly made it unhealthy for us all. The yard covers about 11 acres and contains 25,000 men. The scurvy and dysentery prevail to great extent and the mortality per day averages at least 33 deaths. Rumored that 134 died today. The scurvy seems to be worse among the Belle Isle and Libby prisoners. We drew rations of bread and meat this afternoon. The meat ration is small, but the bread will do. Some of the men draw their meat raw and cook it to suit themselves.

Sergeant Hoster's odyssey as a prisoner-of-war was just beginning.
-------
A note on Sources: This post derives primary source material from Collection 345 in the Special Collections of the New York State Historical Association - the Sergeant John L. Hoster Collection, 1862-1865. The letter referenced from Sergeant Hoster to Josie Cole is held as part of Accession #12501 of the Special Collections at the University of Virginia, The Civil War Correspondence of John L. Hoster and Josie Cole.

The Civil War Monitor Catches up with Met Curator Jeff Rosenheim

Following up on my review of the Met's new exhibit on Civil War photography - you can view a nice interview with curator Jeff Rosenheim over at the Civil War Monitor. Worth a look.

Digital Public Library of America

Last week the Digital Public Library of America went live for the first time. Launched by Harvard's Berkman Center for Internet and Society, this website aims to become a one-stop-shop of digitized materials from libraries, museums, archives, and universities, completely free and open to the public.

The project has received support from a number of different funding sources, including the National Endowment for the Humanities and the Institute of Museum and Library Services. The amount of material on this platform will continue to grow over time, but already it brings together in one place a wealth of materials from the Smithsonian, the National Archives, the New York Public Library, the University of Virginia, and Harvard, among other places. The materials include books, images, videos, manuscripts, and oral histories. I haven't had a chance to do much browsing of Civil War resources on the website yet, but it will certainly become a valuable tool for online researchers.

Check it out.

Photography and the American Civil War

I have always found that April is a great time to visit New York City, as spring arrives there a few weeks before it stretches northward to Cooperstown. On a trip to the City this past weekend, in addition to enjoying the beautiful weather I also managed to make it to the Metropolitan Museum of Art for its Photography and the American Civil War exhibit. I have looked forward to seeing this show for quite some time, and it did not disappoint. We arrived at the museum in the middle of Saturday afternoon. For those of you who have never been to the Met, the middle of a Saturday afternoon in springtime is probably not the best time to go. The place was packed, and Photography and the American Civil War seemed like the exhibit everyone wanted to see. In the first few rooms I had to move slowly in a line from photograph to photograph. Luckily, this exhibit is a large one, and I found that as I proceeded, museum fatigue set in amongst other visitors, creating a bit more space.

Utilizing an impressive array of over 200 photographs, Photography and the American Civil War analyzes the role of the camera during the Civil War, and explores the personalities and artistic contributions of some of the most prominent men behind the camera. I was pleasantly surprised with the amount of historical content in this exhibit. As someone interested in history and admittedly a novice when it comes to art, I often wish art museums would add more historical context to their exhibits. While the focus was most certainly art, the exhibit also contained a nice narrative structure that explained how the emerging medium of photography helped to shape the way Americans experienced, understood, and remembered the war. And while art museum labels are notoriously skimpy on details, no one could complain about the brevity of the labels for each photograph in this exhibit. Each of the more than 200 photographs had its own unique story. For that reason alone, one could spend hours immersed in examining each individual image. Most of these photographs come from the Met's own incredible collection, while important loans from public and private collections round out the show.
 
Photography and the American Civil War was a well designed exhibit. Canvas lined the walls in many of the rooms to replicate the feel of an encampment and Met curators imposed an effective thematic structure to the layout of each gallery. The first few rooms introduced the process and types of photographs, and explained the growing importance of photos to Americans of all classes. These rooms also showed the importance of images to the election of 1860, introduced visitors to Matthew Brady and his Washington Gallery manager, Alexander Gardner, and displayed photographs of Fort Sumter taken days after the start of the war. The next section featured a vast number portraits of all types and sizes. This room contained images of famous generals, unknown privates, women, and enslaved individuals. One particular image that caught my eye was a portrait of a Confederate officer with his enslaved body servant standing behind him in what appears to be a Confederate uniform. The caption explained that this portrait was one of only a handful of photographs known to exist of a slave in Confederate uniform.

As you advance through each room of this show, you begin to understand the importance of the camera to the way people experienced, recorded and remembered the war. In addition to the famous battlefield landscapes and death studies, other subjects received equal attention - including portraits, homefront images, ruined city landscapes, and gruesome photos of wounded soldiers taken for medical documentation. Throughout the exhibit visitors are introduced to the men behind the camera, and the exhibit attempts to engage the visitor in thoughts about what these cameramen were trying to convey. The show highlights the work of many photographers, especially the men who went to war under the employment of Matthew Brady and later Alexander Gardner. The works of Timothy O'Sullivan, James F. Gibson, and John Reekie receive a good deal of attention. Most of all though - the second half of the show focuses mostly on four individuals: Alexander Gardner, Andrew Joseph Russell, George N. Barnard, and Reed Brockway Bontecou.

A Harvest of Death, by Timothy O'Sullivan, was one of the images featured from Gardner's Sketchbook of the War.

Gardner takes center stage, a fact I enjoyed immensely. Nothing annoys me more than when museums identify photographs taken by Gardner and his corps of cameramen as Brady photos, especially when those photos were taken after the Gardner/Brady split. In this exhibit, the history of Gardner and his relationship with Brady is explained early, and the Scot is given his rightful due as perhaps the most important photographer during the war. The exhibit devotes an entire room to Gardner's Photographic Sketchbook of the War, published in 1866 and featuring 100 photos taken by Gardner and cameramen such as O'Sullivan, Gibson, and Reekie. Many of the labels here quote extensively from Gardner's own captions, and discuss how Gardner's Sketchbook utilized his photographs and captions to craft a narrative of the war that matched his own bias.

Another room focuses on Andrew Joseph Russell, the only photographer who also served in the Union army. A captain in the 141st New York, Russell was employed by Herman Haupt, and was eventually detached from his regiment to serve in the United States Military Railroad Construction Corps. Much of his work focused on Union engineering and transportation, but he also managed to capture other scenes, including incredible photographs taken just hours after the 6th Corps had captured Mayre's Heights during the Battle of Chancellorsville.

George N. Barnard's Battle Ground of Resacca, GA No. 1

In the section of the exhibit on George N. Barnard, visitors were asked to compare and contrast his work with that of Alexander Gardner. Both photographers published a collection of their work after the Civil War. Barnard's was Photographic Views of Sherman's March. Due to the pace of Sherman's advance through Georgia, Barnard did not have the opportunity to capture as much as he wanted along the route as the army's official photographer. To remedy this, Barnard traveled back across the route during the summer of 1866. While Gardner's work often included shots of individuals and groups and battlefield wreckage, Barnard often focused on landscapes devoid of any human life. For example, Barnard captured the wreckage of the Battle of Resaca by photographing shattered trees. He also superimposed clouds into the sky in his photographs. And whereas Gardner framed his reader's interpretation of his photographs by preceding each with his own caption, Barnard chose to let his photos stand on their own, publishing his own commentary separately.

Perhaps the most powerful photographs of the exhibit were contained in the room devoted to work of Dr. Reed Brockway Bontecou. Here visitors saw photographed soldiers with horrific wounds. Bontecou captured these images and collected them as a medical teaching album. Many of the photographs feature hand-drawn arrows indicating the path of a bullet or projectile as it entered and exited human flesh. Around this gallery the curators placed quotes from poet and nurse Walt Whitman, explaining that the "real war will never get in the books."

I could comment on many other facets of this exhibit, but I am afraid I still could not do it justice. If you live near New York City, or happen to have an opportunity to visit, this exhibit is well worth setting aside a few hours for. Jeff L. Rosenheim, the Met's curator of Photography, along with the rest of the curatorial staff, has put together an excellent exhibit. Photography and the American Civil War remains on view through September 2nd.

The Gettysburg Homefront During the Maryland Campaign

Newspapers are one of my favorite primary sources to delve into. When you spend time with historical newspapers from a community, you get a good feel for that community. You begin to understand the major issues that concerned its citizens, and the principal actors that held down leading roles. You also begin to understand the divisions that existed. In my readings of Gettysburg's newspapers, I've become more interested in learning about this community over the entire course of the Civil War. We tend to focus on Gettysburg's citizens only when discussing civilian experiences during the battle itself, or how those civilians coped with the aftermath of the battle. Yet the war did not first arrive on Gettysburg's doorstep on July 1st, 1863. The crossroads town sat just eight miles from the Mason Dixon Line, and not far from the Potomac River. Gettysburgians worried about the potential of enemy raids and invasions from the early days of the war, and not without cause. And when Robert E. Lee's army invaded Maryland in September of 1862, Gettysburg prepared for the worst. A review of Gettysburg's newspapers from that September provides us with a first-hand look at how its civilians experienced, and reacted to, their first brush with an invading enemy.

Lee's army began crossing the Potomac River on September 4th. That same afternoon, Pennsylvania Governor Andrew Curtin issued a proclamation, recommending that companies of militia form to defend the state from invasion. Rumors swirled through Gettysburg over the next few days. But the true excitement and panic began on Saturday, September 6th.

On Monday, the Compiler carried the story:

There was no little excitement here on Saturday morning last. Several persons arrived from Frederick, Md., stating that 30,000 rebels had crossed the Potomac at Noland's Ferry, and were on the march for Frederick.... At 5 o'clock about 300 sick soldiers arrived here from Frederick, and were well cared for by our citizens until Sunday morning, when they were sent to York in a special train.

LATEST!
There was probably more bustle in this town yesterday than on any previous Sabbath during its existence. Refugees from Frederick city and county arrived by fives and tens, aggregating several hundred.--Rumor with her hundred tongues, was also busy, but few of the statements seemed to have a reliable basis.

On the same Saturday that refugees began to arrive, a large town meeting convened at the courthouse on Baltimore Street for the purpose of recruiting militia companies in accordance with Curtin's proclamation. On Monday, a total of four units began to organize. The Gettysburg Zouaves - first formed during the secession crisis in 1861 - reformed its ranks. Two additional infantry companies were commanded by Dr. E.G. Fahnestock and S.S. McCreary, while Perry J. Tate headed up a cavalry organization. Meanwhile, reports filtered into town, some credible, others not. On Tuesday, September 9th the Sentinel reported that 30-50,000 Confederates held Frederick. On the 11th word arrived that a small force of Rebel cavalry had captured Westminster.

Meanwhile, Lee's army left Frederick on September 10th to execute his instructions outlined in Special Order 191. The Army of Northern Virginia split up, part to encircle the Federal garrison at Harpers Ferry, and part to hold the passes of South Mountain west of Frederick. The Army of the Potomac pursued, and entered Frederick on the 12th. On September 13th, some Gettysburgians heard cannonading in the distance, while a few rebel deserters arrived in town with wild claims as to the strength of Lee's army. The next afternoon, Sunday the 14th, two cavalry regiments rode into town from the south, the 1st New York and 8th Pennsylvania. These two regiments would remain through the following afternoon. Throughout the day on the 14th, the citizens could hear the sounds of battle in the distance as the Army of the Potomac struggled to seize the passes of South Mountain. As they listened to the distant thunder, more than forty miles to the south many of the town's young men serving in Company K, 1st Pennsylvania Reserves fought against Alabamians for possession of Turner's Gap. In the fight that afternoon, 1st Lieutenant John D. Sadler was killed while commanding the company. According to the Sentinel, Lieutenant Henry Minnigh - himself wounded - arrived in town the following day accompanying Sadler's lifeless body. The brutal reality of war had arrived in Gettysburg, not for the first time, and certainly not for the last.

Lee's invasion took place against the backdrop of the upcoming fall elections in the North. As events moved toward a climax at the Battle of Antietam, Gettysburg's citizens debated the progress of the war, and the political fallout of the invasion. The newspapers reported the day-to-day progress of the armies alongside their own political arguments for and against sustaining the current administration's prosecution of the war. Even as President Lincoln became firmly set in his desire to issue the Emancipation Proclamation as soon as a victory came to hand, The Compiler and the Sentinel made clear that the issue of slavery remained a prominent and divisive issue in Gettysburg. The Republican rallying cry during the fall was Unionism and patriotism - everyone needed to support the war effort. Meanwhile, the Democrats decried the lack of military progress, sought to tie Republicans to the Abolitionist cause, and argued that a war for Union could be won, while a war for abolition could not. During the height of invasion hysteria in Gettysburg, the Compiler published the following argument from "a Republican" supporting the Democratic ticket:

Now, my friends, we have but one course to pursue as true Americans. I appeal to you to at once search after the causes of our troubles, and hunt up the impediments in the way of an early peace, and I hope that you will readily see them, and by the nearest road, go and crush the serpent's head. Abolitionism and Secessionism are twin sisters, and the only two questions which claim our attention; and they are so completely interwoven amongst the draw-backs to American liberty, that nothing but the waging of a simultaneous war for the destruction of both will ever restore peace, power, and prosperity in this country. Here are before our eyes two monsters to deal with--Secessionism and Abolitionism--operating conjointly and pushed forward by monomaniacs on both sides with stubborn tenacity that knows no bounds for the overthrow of these States; the former with arms in hand, openly proclaiming their purpose, and the latter lying coiled around the portals of the nation, inflicting poisonous wounds upon its body. The Government will be able to suppress the one, if the people take hold of the other. Secessionism must fall before our powerful armies, and Abolitionism is an easy prey to the united voice of the impartial peoples.

The next day's Sentinel responded:

THE TRUTH
Men who will at this day, when our nation is in a desperate struggle with traitors, seek to divide our people by a ridiculous expression of apprehension about abolitionists, can be considered in no other light than as the allies of treason and the enemies of our government. He who now seeks to distract and antagonize our people is as black a traitor as Jeff Davis himself, let him live in Seccessia or in our midst. The secessionists are now the great and only enemies who require our immediate attention, and until they are put down all other issues should be dropped.

After the Battle of Antietam, President Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation. There were political consequences. In the November elections Democrats made major gains across Pennsylvania. In the 16th District, Democrat Alexander Hamilton Coffroth narrowly unseated Gettysburg's Republican representative Edward McPherson. And yet with his pen Lincoln had ended the question of a limited war for Union. By the time the armies arrived in Gettysburg on July 1st, 1863, the war for Union and the war to end slavery went hand-in-hand.

The Bradley's of the 13th Mississippi: A Story of Brothers at Gettysburg

Mississippi Monument at Gettysburg. Photo by Soaptree. Creative Commons Licensing.

Some of you may know by now that for the month of April Fold3.com - a subscription service for historical military records - has opened up its collection of Confederate Civil War Records for free.  I have not had much of an opportunity to use Fold3 before, so a few nights back I decided to browse. I wasn't looking for anything in particular, but I hoped that I would come across an interesting story for the blog. After a bit of digging around, I started to unravel the story of the Bradley family of Louisville, Mississippi.


As the afternoon waned into evening on July 2nd, 1863, Major John M. Bradley, age 36, waited with the rest of the 13th Mississippi for the order to advance. For an hour or more, the 13th lay in Pitzer's Woods as shot and shell crashed through the trees from a fierce artillery duel raging between the Confederate batteries in their front and Federal artillery in and around the Peach Orchard. Not far from Maj. Bradley, his older brother, 44-year-old 2nd Lieutenant George W. Bradley rested with the rest of the men of Company A. Finally, sometime around 6 p.m., the orders came and the 13th hopped over a stonewall and formed for the assault. General Barksdale rode in front of the 13th - his old regiment - urged them to do their duty, and shouted the orders to move forward. As the two brothers stepped out of the woods and toward the Emmitsburg Road, perhaps they spared a thought for their younger brother, Joseph L. Bradley, who at the age of 26 was killed at Malvern Hill, almost exactly one year before.

The three Bradley Brothers of the 13th Mississippi were all sons of B.H. and Janthe Bradley. John and George were born in North Carolina, Joseph in South Carolina. By 1850, the Bradley family had settled in Winston County, Mississippi. The 1850 Census listed B.H. Bradley as a farmer. Along with his wife, Bradley's household in 1850 included John, and two daughters, Nancy (18) and Mary (16). The same census listed George W. as a merchant and head of his own household, in which 15-year-old Joseph also resided. A look at the slave schedules for 1850 reveal that B.H. Bradley owned four slaves, while his eldest son George owned two. By the 1860 Census, all three Bradley brothers boarded at a hotel in Louisville, Mississippi, with George and John listed as merchants and Joseph as a clerk. The 1860 Slave Schedule for Winston County indicates that neither B.H. Bradley nor his sons owned any slaves at that time. None of the brothers had married.

In March of 1861, John became captain of the Winston Guards. Both he and Joseph were mustered into state service on March 16, and in May the company was organized for Confederate service at Corinth as Company B, 13th Mississippi. Their service records tell us that John stood 6 feet tall, and Joseph - a lieutenant -  5'10". In April of 1862, the 13th was reorganized and Company B became Company A. That same month, George caught up with his brothers and enlisted into the regiment at Lee's Mills, Virginia. On July 1, 1862, the 13th participated in the Battle of Malvern Hill, and Joseph was killed. Around this time, John received a promotion to Major. In September, he was wounded at Antietam, shot through both legs. John was transported to Winchester, Virginia, and received a 40-day medical furlough. He returned to the regiment that winter, after the Battle of Fredericksburg. George's records indicate that he received a furlough to recover from a wound in December of 1862, presumably suffered at Fredericksburg. Despite their wounds, both Bradley's were with the 13th when the march northward began in June of 1863.

As the 13th Mississippi moved forward on July 2, led by General Barksdale, they raised a terrifying rebel yell. A fence in their way disappeared as the men forced their way through to confront the Federal infantry and artillery awaiting them in the farmyard of Joseph Sherfy. The battle line headed straight for the 12-pounder Napoleons of Lieutenant John K. Bucklyn's Battery E, 1st Rhode Island Light Artillery, which spewed iron at them as they advanced. As the battery limbered up to escape the on-rushing Mississippians, the 13th met a line of red-legged zouaves advancing to meet them across the Emmitsburg Road, the 114th Pennsylvania. After a brief but violent collision the 114th found itself flanked and began to stream back across the road. Behind the 114th awaited the 2nd Fire Zouaves of the Excelsior Brigade, sent in an emergency to lend a hand to the crumbling line. For a detailed look at this action from their point of view, you can visit my post written back in January. It was likely at some point during this initial combat along the Emmitsburg Road that Major Bradley fell with a severe wound. His brother George continued with the regiment as it drove the Federal forces from the Emmitsburg Road and began to push toward the Northeast.

As Daniel Sickles' forward line collapsed, the 13th Mississippi pushed forward, and the line eventually made it to the Plum Run Swale between the Emmitsburg Road and Cemetery Ridge. The men were worn out and disorganized from their successful attack. At this time, a brigade of New Yorkers under the command of Colonel George Lamb Willard approached the swale from the east. The New Yorkers closed on the Mississippians and unleashed a deadly volley. General Barksdale fell mortally wounded. Lieutenant Bradley likely fell wounded during this exchange as well, a bullet wound penetrating his right side. The New Yorkers had halted and turned back the Mississippians grand charge. For a detailed look at this counterattack, you can visit a post I wrote last year.

Major John M. Bradley somehow made his way back to a Confederate field hospital. The John S. Crawford farm along Marsh Creek served as the field hospital for Barksdale's brigade, 3 miles behind its line of battle. It is likely that he was taken there. Crawford reported that his house, barn, and outbuildings were filled with Barksdale's wounded, and that his dining room table served as an amputation table. John remained at the brigade hospital throughout the day on July 3. In the early morning hours of July 4, all wounded well enough to move were loaded into ambulances and other wagons in preparation for the long journey back to Virginia. Throughout the day on July 4, as rain fell in torrents, wagons filled with Lee's wounded soldiers filed into the fields along the Chambersburg Pike. The trains began to move out toward Cashtown Pass at about 4 p.m. According to historian Kent Masterson Brown, the column was 17 miles long. For the next 36 hours John and other wounded soldiers faced a horrific ordeal - traveling non-stop in springless wagons up over South Mountain, and then down the Cumberland Valley towards the Potomac River. Scarcely any received medical attention during this time, and many went without food. All the while, the column was harassed by Union cavalry, and even northern citizens.

The column reached Williamsport, Maryland on July 6, where some medical care could be administered and the slow process of evacuation could proceed across the swollen Potomac River. But for John, the evacuation never came. His condition worsened, and when the Confederate army recrossed the Potomac River for good on July 14, he was left behind with other soldiers unfit to continue on. His service record indicates that he passed away on July 28, 1863. His record also indicates that he received a posthumous promotion to Lieutenant Colonel, dated July 2nd. A search on Find A Grave shows that Bradley was originally buried in Riverside Cemetery in Williamsport. After the war he was moved to Washington Confederate Cemetery in nearby Hagerstown.

George W. Bradley did not make it back to a Confederate field hospital. Like General Barksdale, George was captured as Willard's men took control of the Plum Run Swale. With a bullet wound in his right side, he was carried back to a Union field hospital. His record indicates that on July 4 he was admitted to the 6th Corps field hospital at the John Trostle House east of Rock Creek. Here, he died on July 11. His record however, has an interesting bit of correspondence attached. On October 5, 1863, L.W. Oakley, a surgeon from the 2nd New Jersey, wrote a letter to the Army of the Potomac's Medical Director, Jonathan Letterman:

Camp "Letterman"
Genl. Hospt.
Gettysburg, PA
Oct 5th, 1863

Doctor,
Your communication of the 3rd inst. requesting me to forward to Genl. [Seth] Williams through your office the money intrusted to my care by Lieutenant Bradley of the 13th Mississippi (not "18th") Co. E. [sic] has just been received.

I send to you by mail (registered) Thirty Dollars in gold, Twenty Six Dollars in script. Five cents in silver, and One Dollar and five cents in [illegible].

I am very glad thus to be relieved, as I did not know what would be the proper disposition to make of this money. It is just as I originally received it.

I remain, very respectfully,
Your obt. servt.
L.W. Oakley
Surg. 2nd Reg. N.J. Vol.

Also attached to George's file is a scan of what appears to be the back side of the above letter, complete with information as to what became of the money:

[Oakley's writing]
Camp Letterman Gettysburg Pa
October 5th 1863
LW Oakley
Surg 2 NJ Vols

Forwards money left in trust by Lieut. Bradley
13th Miss. Vols Confederate
Wounded at Gettysburg
Since died
P. of War
Personal
[Different handwriting]
Head Quarters A.P.
Med. Directors Office
October 28, 1863

Respectfully forwarded to Genl. S. Williams
A.A.G.

[Signed] Jona. Letterman
Med. Director

[3rd handwriting style]
For. letter to Genl Lee
Nov 5/63.
Army of Potomac

As he lay dying at the 6th Corps hospital in Gettysburg, Lieutenant Bradley hoped that the money he carried would find its way home to his father. The record seems to indicate that it got as far as General Lee's headquarters in November of 1863.  Within the brothers' service files are three records filed by the clerk of the Probate Court in Winston County. On October 8th, 1863 B.H. Bradley appeared with a supporting witness to certify the death of Joseph and John in order to claim any back pay or bounties that the government owed his two sons. Over a month later, on November 26th, 1863, he appeared again to file a similar petition for George. Though George died before John, news of his death in Union hands would have traveled more slowly.

If the money George sent made it back to Winston, Mississippi, it likely was small solace to the father who had lost all three of his sons in battle in one year.

Library Corner: Back to the Primary Sources

Gardner's Photographic Sketch Book of the Civil War
By Alexander Gardner
Published in 1959 by Dover Publications

All for the Union: The Civil War Diary and Letters of Elisha Hunt Rhodes
Edited by Robert Hunt Rhodes
Published in 1985 by Orion Books
 
Recently I read two famous primary source accounts of the Civil War that have sat on my reading list for quite some time, All for the Union: The Civil War Diary and Letters of Elisha Hunt Rhodes, and Gardner's Photographic Sketch Book of the War. In their own way, both of these accounts made the war come to life as I read.

Every Civil War enthusiast has seen images produced by Alexander Gardner, particularly famous death studies taken on the battlefields of Antietam and Gettysburg. Personally, most of my knowledge of the Scot and his work derives from the modern photographic studies written by William Frassanito. Sketch Book is a collection of 100 images coupled with explanatory captions. Many of these images are well known, used frequently by authors, curators, and documentarians. Yet in viewing Gardner's own publication of his Civil War work, I found myself presented with more than just incredible photographs. In curating a selection of 100 images, and writing detailed captions, Gardner provides modern scholars with his own personal account of the war. 

In the introduction to the 1959 Dover edition of Sketch Book, E.F. Bleiler claims that Gardner's photos "remain an objective document." Modern scholars can debate that assertion. After all, the cameramen chose what they photographed, and what they didn't. We also know that Gardner and his crew staged many scenes. And in whittling down his collection of photographs to 100 for publication, Gardner made choices about how he wanted to represent the lasting legacy of the war. Throughout this book, one theme overwhelms the reader: war's destructive power. Gardner presents a wide variety of scenes, including views of camp life and of significant buildings. Most of all, we see landscapes scarred by entrenchments and army occupation, cities and towns in ruin, and the horrific carnage left in the wake of battle. These images help the modern reader to imagine the Civil War, and for Gardner, they represented the war as he saw it. Through his captions, we see that Gardner holds high hopes that the end of the war will bring peace and prosperity, though his words drip with bitterness toward the southerners he blames for the death and destruction. Below, I've included a few exampled, with images pulled from the Library of Congress website.

Captioning this photograph of dead horses at the Trostle Farm in Gettysburg, Gardner writes:

Thousands of dead and wounded were strewn over the fields adjacent to this House, and graves of Confederates can be found in every direction. The trees are scarred by bullets, marks of cannon-shot and shell disfigured the buildings, and the remains of hastily constructed breastworks, with mouldering fragments of accoutrements, still show where the lines of battle were engaged.

Meanwhile, in one of his more famous photos, A Harvest of Death, Gardner describes a group of dead soldiers at Gettysburg he misidentifies as Confederates:

 Killed in the frantic efforts to break the steady lines of an army of patriots, whose heroism only excelled theirs in motive, they paid with life the price of their treason, and when the wicked strife was finished, found nameless graves, far from home and kindred. Such a picture conveys a useful moral: it shows the blank horror and reality of war, in opposition to its pageantry. Here are the dreadful details! Let them aid in preventing such another calamity falling upon the nation.

In the caption accompanying this image of Fairfax Court House, Gardner details the damage done through four years of war. He closes his caption with a hopeful tone:

The village is now, however, rapidly recovering from its misfortunes. Shattered houses have been repaired, families are returning to their homes, the Court-House is being put in order for the occupation of the courts, and, under the influence of Northern enterprise, the town promises soon to wear even more beauty than it ever knew before.

In reading Sketch Book, I was able to "see" the war, to understand human price paid and the changes wrought on the physical landscape of places like war-torn Virginia. In reading All for the Union, I connected with the personal experiences of a soldier in the army, one who almost literally saw it all. Elisha Hunt Rhodes found fame long after his death - when Ken Burns chose to use his diary as a principle source and frequent soundbite in the PBS documentary, The Civil War. Aside from the documentary, I knew very little about Rhodes before finally picking up the book that had stared at me from my bookshelf for ages. Once I dug in, I couldn't put it down.

Enlisting into the 2nd Rhode Island as a private at the age of 19, Rhodes was present for almost every major battle in the East, from Bull Run through Appomattox. Along the way, he rose rapidly in rank, becoming Colonel of the regiment in 1865. I have read many diaries, letters, and memoirs of the war - but this has gone to the top of my list as the very best. Rhodes' unassuming and thorough narrative style pulled me right into camp with the 2nd Rhode Island. As I read along I sensed this young man growing wise and more serious through his experiences in combat. The longer the war went on, the more thoughtful and introspective his entries became. And yet, amazingly, Rhodes' conviction to see the war through never for a moment wavered, and his belief in the northern cause remained absolute.

I recognized many passages that made their way into the PBS documentary, but I found also that many of my favorite passages did not make the cut. I found most stunning a letter written by Rhodes' following the fight at Spotsylvania on May 12, 1864. It was such an incredible account of the fight at the Mule Shoe, that I transcribe a portion of it here:

...At six A.M. our Brigade took possession of the Rebel works. The enemy advanced and tried to retake them. How the old Second R.I. did fire. I fired over a hundred rounds myself. Col. Read was firing when he was hit. At the same instant a bullet struck me in my right breast, tore my coat, glanced on my pocket book and bruised my right arm. It whirled me around, and I thought I was dead but soon found that I was all right. The ammunition was exhausted and the officers passed it up to the men in boxes. The New York Excelsior Brigade was driven out of the works on our Right which left us exposed to an enfilading fire, but our boys never moved. For three hours the rebels were within twenty feet of our Regt. It seemed to me that the day would never pass away. A section of Battery "B" R.I. Artillery came down and opened on the Rebels with Canister, but they staid there. About noon about one hundred and fifty Rebels through down their guns and ran into our lines unable to stand our fire. At four P.M. fresh troops came up and took our place after we had fought ten hours. Col. Edwards coming to our brigade said to Maj. Jencks, "Major, you may be proud of your Regt. this day." We laid down about twenty yards in the rear. To add to the horrors of the day it rained in torrents. All night the battle raged, and we had to lay there. Sleep would overpower us when we were not firing and such dreams as I had. I dreamt that I was home and so warm and comfortable sitting by the fire with mother and sister when some one says our lines are giving way. I jumped up wet through, and we soon drove the Rebels back again. At daylight they retreated leaving all their dead and wounded and many prisoners. We captured a Rebel Captain and a 1st Lieut. May God save me from another such scene. The ditch to the rifle pit was full of dead and wounded blue and grey. Genl. Russell estimated the number at 3000. Our men completely exhausted sank right down. I thought I should die of fatigue. I smoked most all day and so did we all we were so excited. The men did not mind shells any more than snow balls, they were so tired. They said it was death or Richmond, for they would never run. I was never so proud of my Regt. in my life.  

I think the above passage demonstrates Rhodes' ability to convey horrific scenes of bloodshed (his diary entry for May 13, 1864 contains more graphic details). It also shows that Elisha Hunt Rhodes and many others in the 2nd Rhode Island maintained a grim determination to see out the war.

I am glad that I finally got around to these two fascinating, though very different, primary source accounts of the war. Sketch Book and All For the Union are great sources to pick up if you want to get a real sense of the experiences of soldiers in the Army of the Potomac. Next on my reading list - I return to modern scholarship with Scott Hartwig's To Antietam Creek. This one might take a while...

Captured at Petersburg

Today I thought I would continue to share the story of John L. Hoster, a Sergeant in the 148th New York. Hoster is the subject of an article I have written that will be published later this spring. The diaries he kept during the Civil War--which have some incredible content--are preserved in the Special Collections of the New York State Historical Association here in Cooperstown. Today's installment features the beginning of Hoster's most harrowing experience as a soldier. If you'd like to read more about Hoster, click on my John L. Hoster label to see all of the entries I've written about him.
 -------------

Outer line of Confederate fortifcations, in front of Petersburg, Va., captured by 18th Army Corps, June 15, 1864.
Library of Congress.

Daylight on June 12th, 1864 brought the promise of yet another hot day for Sergeant John L. Hoster. "I arose early this morning," he wrote in his diary...

...and finished my morning report. Thos. Pringle, who is with the cooks, brought the coffee up very early. After breakfast I commenced writing a letter, but before I finished it we received orders to pack rifles and be ready to march immediately. We left at 10 a.m., our regt. in the lead, and arrived at the White House at 3 p.m. We halted on the other side of the R.R. from where we encamped before and stacked arms and the cooks made coffee. I took a good wash before supper.

Hoster didn't know it, but Ulysses S. Grant's great turning movement that would carry the Army of the Potomac across the James River to confront Petersburg had just begun.

Monday, June 13th
Very warm. I sent Parmalee after a ration of beans and Parmalee cooked them during the night and we had them for breakfast this morning. We also drew a few potatoes this morning, and Parmalee made some potato soup for dinner. Our sutler came up this forenoon and sold any amount of goods. I purchased a can of peaches, a can of oysters, a jar of pickles, some cake and cheese and with some coffee that Wade made, he and I had a fine dinner. Gen. Martindale came over and took breakfast with Col. Guion at his solicitation. The Gen. ate his breakfast under a large tree. Wade and I put up our shelter tents on our guns and lounged in the shade all afternoon. We had to leave at 6 o'clock and march to the landing a few hundred yards in the distance where we embarked on the transport "Webster" about dark. I took a quiet evening smoke, after which I turned into my nest, a small space in the cabin on the upper deck which I had reserved. Our regt. is all aboard.

Tuesday, June 14th
Warm and pleasant. We lay in the stream last night and started at 4 o'clock this morning, passing West Point at 7. Our cooks made coffee this morning. Corpl. Wade is now my chum. Passed Yorktown at 9:30 a.m., passed Ft. Monroe at 12:15, Jamestown at 4:30 p.m., Wilson's Landing at 5:50 p.m., and arrived at Bermuda Hundred at 7:30 p.m. At half past eight we took up our line of march, marching to near where we crossed the Appomattox at pontoon bridge and stopped for the night.

Maj. Gen. William F. Smith's 18th Corps had barely returned to the Army of the James when Smith received orders to depart early on the morning of June 15th to cross the Appomattox River and attack Petersburg. At 2 a.m., the column moved out.

Wednesday, June 15th
Very warm. We started out very early this morning, crossing the Appommattox on a pontoon bridge...

The 148th and the rest of Brig. Gen. John H. Martindale's were third in line to cross the river on this morning. Traveling with the column, New York Times Correspondent Henry J. Winser painted the scene for his readers:

With springy, elastic step MARTINDALE's well-tried veterans passed over, conversing gayly as they came, and bringing with them a spirit that entirely dispelled the grave and sober spell which the silent movement of their comrades had thrown over all. With the sun came warmth, and we lookers-on on the river bank stopped shivering and became hopeful of getting to Petersburgh before night.

The 18th Corps approached the city from the northeast. Martindale's division advanced on the Appomattox River Road, while Smith's other two divisions and his cavalry moved on Martindale's left. Early that morning Brig. Gen. Edward W. Hinck's all-black division engaged and defeated a small Confederate force. After this success, Smith took the better part of the day to scout, organize, and close his forces up upon the Confederate defensive line. In the meantime, the 148th New York occupied the right flank of Martindale's advance. John L. Hoster's account countinues:

...when we came to a house where lived a woman who professed to be Union, the skirmishing commenced. We proceeded a short distance when nearly all of our regt. was sent on skirmish, the right of our company on the Appomattox. We ran into the enemy line before we were aware of it. They fired a volley into us. We concealed ourselves as much as possible and during the day we dug small rifle pits for protection. Soon after noon I fired on a man across the river who was taking observations with a glass. He ducked his head and went off around a hill and a battery soon made its appearance and began to throw shot and shell at us, wounding James Roe and Chas. Marshall, H Co. Benjamin Watkins in command of our right fell back offering the rebs an opportunity to flank us. At 4:30 we were obliged to surrender to a company of the 26th. Va.

Further details of the capture can be found in a letter sent to the Seneca County Courier by Chaplain Ferris Scott:

...the saddest part of the tale for Seneca Falls remains to be told. Lieut. Court. Van Renssalear, as brave and fine an officer as we have in the Regiment, had the misfortune of being captured by the Rebs, together with some 25 or 30 of his Company. He and those captured with him were on the extreme right of the Regiment and had taken possession of a house as a shelter from which to act as sharp-shooters. While in the house the Regiment was ordered to fall back. He did not get the order, and was left behind; and before he was aware of it, the Rebs surrounded the house and took the whole squad prisoners. I haven't been able to obtain an accurate list of those taken yet, but will in a day or two, and will send it on. Sergt. Hoster, John Hudson , and in fact the majority of the good fighting men in the Co., are gone to Richmond. The only ones who escaped were those who had been sent to rear for ammunition, water, &c., &c., and who were not in the fight at the time.

Sergeant Hoster did not in fact go to Richmond, as Scott believed. Hoster continued to record his own account:

We were marched back to their breastworks and sent by the Major in command to the Col. commanding Battery 5. From there to Gen. Wise and to the Custom House in Petersburg where we were questioned, then to P.M. office where we were searched and relieved of our watches, letter knives, etc. My spy glasses were also taken. We were then confined to a building on a back street. There we found Thos. Crelly of our company, who had arrived before us.

 For the Confederates attempting to make sense of Grant's latest move, these prisoners from the 148th New York provided some valuable information. With a quick search at the excellent Siege of Petersburg Online blog I found this bit of information published in the June 16th edition of The Petersburg Express:

Twenty-three prisoners brought in last night, belonging chiefly to the 148th N. Y. regiment, all concur in the statement that Baldy Smith’s entire Army Corps (the 18th) is on this side of the river again.

Smith and his 18th Corps succeeded in capturing Petersburg's outer works on the evening of June 15th, but they lost a golden opportunity to take the city quickly. For John L. Hoster, his great ordeal as a prisoner of war was just beginning.