Showing posts with label Sesquicentennial. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Sesquicentennial. Show all posts

Monday, December 1, 2014

150 Years Later, Considering the Legacy of the Sand Creek Massacre

At dawn on November 29th, 1864 - just over 150 years ago - Colonel John M. Chivington led a command of approximately 675 U.S. Cavalry in an unprovoked attack on a village of approximately 700 Cheyenne and Arapaho Indians along Sand Creek in the Colorado Territory. Over the course of the day, the troopers killed more than 200, mostly women, children, and the elderly.

I noticed that the sesquicentennial anniversary of this event has passed off with very little notice from the traditional Civil War media channels that I follow. Some blogs devoted multiple posts to commemorating the 150th anniversary of the Battle of Franklin, but offered no notice of Sand Creek.

Even the New York Times Disunion Blog has not offered anything (yet) related to the Sand Creek Massacre. However, on November 28th the New York Times did post an Op-Ed piece about the massacre written by Dr. Ned Blackhawk, a professor of history and American studies at Yale University. In it, he highlights why this overlooked part of Civil War history is important:
Sand Creek, Bear River, and the Long Walk remain important parts of the Civil War and of American history. But in our popular narrative, the Civil War obscures such campaigns against American Indians. In fact, the war made such violence possible: The paltry Union Army of 1858, before its wartime expansion, could not have attacked, let alone removed, the fortified Navajo communities in the Four Corners, while Southern secession gave a powerful impetus to expand American territory westward. Territorial leaders like Evans were given more resources and power to negotiate with, and fight against, powerful Western tribes like the Shoshone, Cheyenne, Lakota, and Comanche. The violence of this time was fueled partly by the lust for power by civilian and military leaders desperate to obtain glory and wartime recognition.

Expansion continued after the war, powered by a revived American economy but also by a new spirit of national purpose, a sense that America, having suffered in the war, now had the right to conquer more peoples and territory.
There were commemorations of the massacre, planned by the Sand Creek Massacre National Historic Site and the Cheyenne and Arapaho communities. The 16th Annual Sand Creek Massacre Spiritual Healing Run began yesterday morning. This annual run starts at the site of the massacre, and ends on several days later at the State Capitol in Denver. Here's a brief video about the run:




Sometimes our history can be difficult. Yet, it is just as important, if not more so, for us to remember aspects of our history that are difficult to stomach and hard to explain.

Saturday, May 24, 2014

Live Streaming Reverberations

This Memorial Day weekend, Fredericksburg & Spotsylvania National Military Park, Richmond National Battlefield Park, and Petersburg National Battlefield have teamed up with several communities across America to offer programs about how the news of the deadly spring of 1864 in Virginia reverberated across the nation. The three parks have sent rangers to Litchfield, CT; Nicholasville, KY; Bangor, ME; Dearborn, MI; Natchez, MS; Charleston, SC; and Stockbridge, WI. Programs will also take place at each of the three parks, and everything will culminate this evening with candlelight illuminations at 8 p.m. at each site, and the simultaneous playing of taps at 9 p.m.

What a brilliant and innovative program! This is a great way for the Park Service to reach beyond the battlefield to communities across the nation, and a thought provoking initiative that will hopefully inspire participants to take away a deeper meaning from these sesquicentennial events, one that goes beyond tactics and strategy and begins to come to grips with the realities of war. It's also a fitting way to reconnect our nation with the origins and true meaning of Memorial Day. Personally, I think Reverberations is one of the most interesting of the many programmatic offerings that have come out of the Civil War Sesquicentennial.

Some of these programs will be live streamed today - you can watch here.

Monday, May 19, 2014

A Visit to the North Anna Battlefield Park

Monument at the beginning of the Ox Ford Trail.
I've lived in Virginia for almost eight months now - and I haven't even begun to scratch the surface of the many battlefields within a short drive.With a beautiful Monday off from work, I decided to continue my recent exploration of the Overland Campaign with a trip to the North Anna Battlefield Park in Doswell, Virginia. This park preserves a small portion of the North Anna Battlefield, and is not run by National Park Service, but rather by Hanover County Parks and Recreation. This relatively obscure destination contains some of the best preserved Civil War entrenchments you will see.

Ulysses S. Grant and Robert E. Lee had battled each other to a stalemate at Spotsylvania Court House after nearly two weeks of fighting between May 8th and May 19th. Concluding that Lee's lines were too strong to carry by assault, Grant decided to move the Army of the Potomac again. On the night of May 20th, he sent the 2nd Corps on a twenty mile march to the south and east in an effort to threaten Lee's communications, and to pry Lee out of his entrenchments in pursuit. The maneuver succeeded, and the following day the roads leading south and east from Spotsylvania filled with the long columns of both armies. On the 22nd - the Army of Northern Virginia crossed over the North Anna and came to a halt. The south bank of this river provided a strong defensive line, and just below it ran the Virginia Central Railroad, Lee's critical link to the Shenandoah Valley. He chose to make his stand here.

On May 23rd, the Army of the Potomac closed to river, and secured two crossings, with the 2nd Corps securing Chesterfield Bridge on the Army of Northern Virginia's right flank, and the 5th Corps crossing upstream at Jericho Mills on Lee's left flank. Late in the day a Confederate counterattack failed to drive the 5th Corps back to the north side of the river. With his enemy across the river in two places, Lee devised an ingenious defensive line. He pulled back both wings of his army into strong natural positions so that his lines resembled an inverted V. The apex of his V stood on an imposing and unassailable bluff overlooking Ox Ford on the river, with both legs of his line running away from this point to the southeast and southwest. Having quickly learned the value of earthworks in this campaign, on the evening of May 23rd the Confederate army set to work building elaborate entrenchements all along their strong position. If they could hold the impregnable apex of their line at Ox Ford, the Army of the Potomac would be divided by the river at any point when assaulting Lee's lines. Because of a bend in the river at this point, Union forces on one flank would need to cross the river twice to come to the support of forces on the other flank. Lee hoped that this unique formation would allow him to concentrate his army quickly against one wing of the Army of the Potomac and crush it before help could arrive.

Timothy O'Sullivan photographed Quarles's Mills in late May 1864. Portions of the 9th Corps
crossed near here on May 24th.
Having gotten forces across the river at two places the previous evening, when they awoke on May 24th Grant and Meade assumed that the Confederate army had retreated during the night. They quickly ordered their forces to pursue - unwittingly putting their army into the jaws of Lee's trap. Yet Lee lay bedridden on this day, ill with dysentery. His high command had been decimated over the campaign to this point, and Lee had few subordinates he felt he could trust with an important offensive operation. Instead, he chose not to spring the trap if he could not lead it himself. Union forces probed and in some cases assaulted Lee's strong works - eventually figuring out that the Confederate army was not in retreat. They entrenched themselves and once again the campaign reached a stalemate. Grant would have to maneuver yet again if he wanted to defeat Lee.

Confederate entrenchments with a traverse.
The North Anna Battlefield Park preserves a good portion of the western leg of Lee's earthworks, extending all the way up to and including the apex of the Confederate line overlooking Ox Ford. Currently, there is a ten stop, 2.4 mile interpretive walk that follows this line. The preserved earthworks are unbelievable, complete with traverses built to protect against flanking fire from Union artillery opposite Ox Ford. Looking closely, you can see different styles of earthworks and artillery emplacements built by different units, and locate pits dug behind the lines to protect brigade commanders and staff.

An example of the excellent interpretive signage at the park, which includes great maps.
This map here gives a good view of Lee's inverted "V" line.
The interpretive signs along the trail also tell the story of an ill-fated assault on the works in this location. The Federal troops directly opposite Ox Ford consisted of Ambrose Burnside's 9th Corps. Ordered to pursue the enemy on May 24th, Burnside found Ox Ford held in force and impervious to assault. He sent forces upstream with orders to cross and outflank rebel forces at the ford. Leading the way were about 1,500 men under the command of Brigadier General James H. Ledlie. They splashed across a swollen river, getting wet up to their armpits in the process, and then closed on the Confederate main line along the western leg. As the union forces neared Ox Ford, they found Confederates dug in with infantry and artillery along a high ridge. Ledlie was under orders to use extreme caution, but he saw a chance to earn distinction here. Several accounts also reveal that the general was clearly intoxicated. In the midst of a tremendous thunderstorm, he sent his six regiments forward into a death trap. Captain John Anderson of the 57th Massachusetts remembered:
After proceeding a short distance all semblance of a line became lost. It was just a wild tumultuous rush where the more reckless were far to the front and the cautious ones scattered along back, but still coming on.... Many of the Confederate soldiers stood upon their breastworks and called out in a tantalizing manner, 'Come on Yank, come on to Richmond.'
Pinned down in a ravine in front of the Confederate works, Ledlie's brigade suffered 450 casualties, including a reported 150 captured. Among those mortally wounded was Lieutenant Colonel Charles L. Chandler, a 24-year-old Harvard graduate who commanded the 57th Massachusetts. Amazingly, Ledlie received no censure for his actions, and would soon command a division.

As we approach the 150th anniversary of the actions along the North Anna, the park is getting ready to unveil some new trails. Some 90 acres of land has recently been added to the park, more than doubling its size. These new paths take visitors north of the Confederate lines, and include some well preserved federal entrenchments as well as much of the route of Ledlie's advance. John Cumming's Spotsylvania Blog has a post exploring these new trails. I myself mistakenly explored part of the new network today as I attempted to follow the original ten stop interpretive trail. I am not sure if the new signage has yet been installed. The additional 90 acres will provide a great reason to return and explore the park once again.

Monday, May 12, 2014

Remembering Spotsylvania's Bloody Angle


Today we commemorate one of the most horrific days in American history. At about 4:30 a.m. on May 12th, 1864, the Army of the Potomac launched 20,000 men in a massed assault against the protruding salient--"The Mule Shoe"--of the Army of Northern Virginia's defensive line at Spotsylvania. On a foggy, rain soaked morning - the initial assault wave swept over the Confederate line, capturing several batteries of artillery and a good part of an entire Confederate division. With the center of his lines broken, Robert E. Lee gathered whatever forces he could find and launched counterattacks against the Mule Shoe, hoping to buy time to construct a second defensive line at the base of the salient. Both sides fed more troops into the fight, which settled down into a bloody stalemate. For almost twenty-two hours, until early in the morning on May 13th, the two sides battled each other at point-blank range, frequently in hand-to-hand combat. In some places the battle lines were only separated by four-feet wide earthworks that ran between them. As they fought, torrential rains turned the bloody landscape into a quagmire. After the battle Meade's aide Theodore Lyman recalled:
At one place called the "Corner" [the Bloody Angle] the lines stood within fifty feet of each other, for hours! The breastworks made a ridge between them, and any living thing that showed above that line fell dead. The next day the bodies of friend and foe covered the ground. Some wounded men were then taken out from under three or four dead ones. One body, that lay exposed to the fire, had eighty bullets in it.
All told, the two sides suffered a total of 17,000 casualties on May 12th, most in the localized area of the Mule Shoe, making it perhaps the bloodiest piece of real estate in America. In 1864, the attack on the Mule Shoe revealed that a war that had already seen its share of carnage was becoming--if possible--more brutal.

First light over the Battlefield this morning.
At 5 a.m. this morning--May 12, 2014--some 235 individuals congregated on the Spotsylvania Battlefield to commemorate this horrific scene. Led by Fredericksburg and Spotsylvania National Military Park's superb park rangers, we filed down Landrum Lane to the location of the Confederate picket line, and began to trace the footsteps of the Union 2nd Corps's assault. Our ranger guides shared with us the accounts of the Union soldiers who took part in the assault - recounting their agonizing night march to get into position, and utilizing the soldiers own words to depict the hellish scenes of that morning. Suddenly, I didn't think waking up at 3 a.m. to attend this hike was such an impressive accomplishment anymore.


The first interpretive hike ended at 7 a.m., and a second program--with even more visitors--began an hour later, tracing the course of Robert E. Lee's response to the crisis in the center of his line. We followed in the footsteps of the troops Lee fed into the Mule Shoe, and began understand how the decisions of commanders on both sides, and the unique features of the terrain, led to the bloody stalemate. And to contemplate the iron will and determination of the soldiers who sustained it.

Flowers at the Bloody Angle.
While I was unable to stay, the Park Service had planned interpretive programs continuing all day long. Their commemorative efforts go beyond studying the strategy and tactics of the battle. Several programs and events contemplated the human cost of war. During the Park's "A Nation Remembers" culminating event on May 10th, flowers were strewed across the earthworks that still stand the test of time at the Bloody Angle.

The Silent Sentinel.
Beginning at 6 a.m. this morning - Park Rangers stood as silent sentinels at the Bloody Angle with the National Colors, a tribute to the sacrifices of the soldiers. Rangers were each taking 30 minute shifts, and their tribute will last the full 22 hours of the battle, until 4 a.m. tomorrow morning. And finally, tonight, from 8 p.m. to 9 p.m. there will be a candlelight vigil to reflect on the destruction of the battle.

Sunday, May 11, 2014

Hidden Spotsylvania

Tonight I am back home from an excursion to Spotsylvania, where I was able to take part in a wonderful seven hour, ranger-led hike focusing on the hidden spots of the Spotsylvania Battlefield. About 85 diehard visitors turned out for this tour, a seven or eight mile trek. Ranger Beth Parnicza was our guide. Peter Maugle was slated to co-lead the tour, but was unable to at the last minute - and Gettysburg National Military Park Ranger John Heiser stepped in as a substitute and admirably filled Peter's role.

For those of you who have never made it to Spotsylvania, it is easily one of the best battlefields to hike. The Park Service makes it easy with their Spotsylvania History Trail, a seven mile interpretive route which allows you to explore nearly the entire battlefield on foot. Today - our path traced much of the History Trail - but we also plunged deep into the woods at times to visit secluded spots.

The Group gathers at our first stop - Doles's Salient.
We began our tour at the end of Anderson Drive, and hiked to Doles's Salient - where Beth recounted some of the details of Emory Upton's evening assault on May 10th.

The tour group stretches single file through the woods as we locate the original trace of Upton's Road.
We then followed the route of Upton's assault in reverse. Here I learned that the actual hiking trail for Upton's attack does not necessarily follow "Upton's Road" - the wooded lane that Upton's troops guided on in their assault. The current hiking trail follows a route laid out by the Civilian Conservation Corps in the 1930s, and diverges a bit from the original road. Beth led the group through the woods to the trace of an old logging path that she believes is probably the true "Upton's Road."

It's hard to make out in this photo - but these curious Sixth Corps earthworks are laid out in multiple rows,
with a few yards separating one line of earthworks from the next line in rear.
Once we had emerged from the woods onto Grant Drive, we followed the park road for a ways and then struck off into the woods north of the road to explore some mysterious entrenchments of the Sixth Corps. Here we found several rows of extremely well preserved earthworks - mostly likely dug by Wheaton's brigade - stacked up one behind another. This strange formation of earthworks has not been noted on any other battlefields other than at Kennesaw Mountain. And Union troops at both locations left no record for why they arrayed their defenses in such a unique configuration.

The group gathers to view the Mule Shoe from the perspective of the Confederate
skirmish line out in front of the main works.
After lunch by the Bloody Angle, John led the group down the Landrum Lane to the site of the Landrum House to discuss the battle on the morning of May 12th. He offered several fascinating details, relating the struggle Union forces had in keeping their units at the Mule Shoe supplied with ammunition throughout the day-long contest.

John Heiser leads us toward the Mule Shoe from the Landrum House site.
From here, we marched across the fields, following the route of Hancock's Corps to the angle. Beth and John discussed not only the action at the Angle, but also the aftermath of the battle, and the horrific task of burying the dead. They related several accounts of burial parties simply knocking down the trenches in this sector to cover over the dead who carpeted those trenches. The Angle was not just a battleground, it was a burial ground.

Earthworks at Heth's Salient.
Leaving the Mule Shoe, we continued on to explore the action on the front of Burnside's 9th corps. In the words north of Burnside Drive we located the 9th Corps earthworks, and after a hike deep into the woods on the south side of the avenue we located Heth's Salient - a well-preserved position that hardly any Spotsylvania visitors get to see.

The tour group begins to straggle a bit as we cross the Harrison Farm - toward the end of the tour.
Retracing our steps back to Burnside Drive, we rounded out our tour with a hike over to Gordon Drive, past the Harrison House, and concluded our experience at the end of Anderson Drive with a discussion of Lee's final line and the Sixth Corps's assault on May 18th.

Throughout the program, Beth and John emphasized the stunningly preserved landscape of Spotsylvania. The battlefield's 14.9 miles of earthworks today stand testament to how the war was changing in May of 1864.

Kudos to the Park Service for an outstanding commemorative program.

Tuesday, May 6, 2014

Fredericksburg and Spotsylvania National Military Park Commemorates The Wilderness

Over the past several days, Fredericksburg and Spotsylvania National Military Park commemorated the 150th anniversary of the Battle of the Wilderness. If you are like me and did not have the opportunity to attend any of the events, you can check out the digital coverage posted by the park on their social media channels (twitter, facebook, and youtube). It looks like it was a successful commemoration. Here are some highlights:







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Next week will come the commemoration of the Battle of Spotsylvania. I do intend to attend some of the programs planned, and will look forward to reporting back on my experiences. I also have the third and final part of my series on Seymour's brigade in the Wilderness, which I'll post on the blog, hopefully later this week. If you attended any of the Wilderness commemorative programs, and have any thoughts or experiences to share, feel free to post them in the comments section.

"For a Season Hell Laughed While Zion Wept" - Seymour's Brigade, Morning May 6



The soldier does not live who can ever forget his emotions on going into a battle.[1]
 
While Colonel J. Warren Keifer spent the night of May 5th/6th drifting into and out of fanciful dreams at the third division's field hospital, the survivors of Seymour's brigade had little chance for rest. "At night we slept with our guns in our hand," recalled Lorenzo D. Barnhart of Company B, 110th Ohio. "We could not sleep well, the country being so desperate and God forsaken, that we hoped we would not get killed.... None of us wished to die here."[1]

Osceola Lewis of the 138th Pennsylvania vividly remembered the eerie atmosphere as night covered the landscape:
The troops slept on their arms that eventful night within one hundred yards of the enemy's pickets. The doleful cry of the "whippoorwill," the moans of the wounded between the two lines of skirmishers; the sharp challenge of sentinels on either side; the ominous click and sudden discharge of a musket where a "halt!" was disregarded,--were sounds heard which tended to create very solemn impressions.[2]
Once the bloody fire-fight waged by the 110th Ohio and 6th Maryland had sputtered out in the deepening darkness, the exhausted front line had fallen back about two hundred yards and the soldiers struggled to find what rest they could. Colonel William H. Ball and 200 soldiers of his 122nd Ohio were detailed to picket the front of the brigade. "Through the night the rebels were actively engaged in cutting timber, strengthening their works, and moving to our right," Col. Ball reported. "Brigadier-General Seymour...was repeatedly notified during the night and early morning of the 6th of the movements of the enemy."[3]

Judging from various accounts, Truman Seymour must not have gotten much sleep either. Not only did he receive repeated warnings from Col. Ball's picket line, his other regiments heard the sounds too. "The noise of axes and falling timber was heard along the enemy's line, for he was preparing to contest his position behind strong works," recollected a veteran of the 126th Ohio.[4] Colonel Matthew R. McClennan of the 138th also sent word of the ominous sounds in front and extending to the right. "I personally reported this fact to General Seymour and recommended him to take measures to prevent a flank attack," he later wrote.[6]

Toward morning, the brigade's second line relieved the fought-out 110th Ohio and 6th Maryland. From left to right the new main line ran 122nd Ohio - 138th Pennsylvania - 126th Ohio, with the two bloodied regiments in a supporting line. As first light approached, Seymour grappled with a difficult situation. Headquarters had instructed the Sixth Corps to resume the assault at 5 a.m. as part of a larger, army-wide movement. Yet, Seymour also knew the situation in his front, and his regimental officers had certainly expressed negative views of the prospects for a successful assault from their precarious position on the federal flank. In later years the officers of his brigade criticized Seymour for failing to alert his superiors of his situation. Yet there was likely little Seymour could do to change his orders.

The restless night came to an end around 4:30 a.m. with the roar of Confederate artillery. Richard Ewell had beaten John Sedgwick to the punch, and his rebel forces swarmed over their defenses and began to push the federal skirmish line back and to probe the main line, testing its strength. The rebel foray was beaten back with relative ease, and the combat for a time settled into a constant struggle between the two skirmish lines.[7] After a few hours of this back-and-forth, Seymour received renewed orders to push his attack. Despite repeated notifications from the regimental officers on the front lines that the Confederate works extended beyond the federal lines, somewhere along the chain of command there was still hope of turning Ewell out of his entrenchments. Sometime after 7 a.m., the orders went out to the 122nd, 138th, and 126th: attack at once. Osceola Lewis recalled:
This assault...had no promises of victory, for every man who bore his part in it, from the private soldier up to the Regimental commander, knew by the experiences of the previous night, and by the difficulties already met, that such an attack in such force, was next to madness. But trusting in the sagacity of General officers and hoping for success, despite of ill prospects, these men obeyed and struggled manfully.
Colonel Benjamin F. Smith
Col. McClennan and Col. Ball, of the 138th and 122nd, stood calmly at the center of their commands, while Col. Benjamin F. Smith of the 126th sat his horse directly behind the center of his line.[8] Francis Cordrey of Company E, 126th Ohio, later remembered hearing Smith's ringing command: "Fall in! Fix bayonets! Forward - Double-quick - March!" Cordrey's account continued:
Our lines moved forward, struggling through the natural abatis, while a blast of leaden hail from the enemy's thundering guns poured in the face of our advancing line; but nearer and nearer the Stars and Stripes were carried to that parapet of death.[9]
As the ragged lines crawled through the brambles and thickets, Col. Smith remained undisturbed on his horse behind the 126th, snapping his fingers and shouting "Give it to 'em boys!" Meanwhile, in the 138th Pennsylvania, the fire cut down men left and right. Color Sergeant Samuel Aikens had his hand mangled by a bullet and dropped the flag, only to have Sergeant Charles H. Fitzgerald of Company C seize it and plant it in the ground so that he could continue to fire away with his musket.[10] Cyrus G. Cook of Company G later recalled that nearly all the men on either side of him had been killed or wounded. When he looked to his left and right he could only find First Sergeant Nicholas G. Wilson and Corporal William Reed.[11]

The three regiments advanced to within one hundred yards of the Confederate line on the slope above. Sheets of flame erupted from behind the protective earthworks. "The enemy was found to be not only in strong number," Cordrey wrote,
but situated in a strong position, having in front of it a large log heap as long as its line.... These logs received our lead, while the bodies of our country's defenders received that of the enemy. For a season, hell laughed while Zion wept.[12]
Looking up the slight slope toward the Confederate works in the vicinity of where Seymour's brigade made their assault on the
morning of May 6th. You can access this ground today by hiking the NPS "Gordon's Flank Attack" trail.
The 126th Ohio's Lieutenant Colonel Aaron W. Ebright and acting adjutant Thomas J. Hyatt had their horses killed underneath them. For perhaps an hour the federal soldiers continued the unequal contest, making little headway but suffering dreadfully.[13] Eventually, the futility of further combat became apparent to Seymour, and he issued orders for his command to fall back to its starting position. In the retrograde movement, many of the dead and wounded of the three regiments were left in no-man's land between the lines. As Cyrus G. Cook fell back with the other survivors of his company, he noted that the underbrush, which had been impenetrable during the advance, had been completely shot away by Confederate fire.[14] 

The failed charge had cost Seymour's brigade dearly. It is difficult to state the casualty figures with exactitude, as the brigade's fight on May 6th was not over. But over the course of the day the 126th Ohio lost 23 men killed, 136 wounded and 70 missing; a total of 229 men out of a regiment that numbered 578 when it crossed the Rapidan. In the 138th, the casualty lists for the battle counted 27 killed, 94 wounded, 9 missing and 26 captured - a total of 165. The 122nd Ohio recorded 18 men killed, 111 wounded, 28 missing and 28 captured, a grand total of 185. Some of these casualties, particularly the high number of missing and captured, resulted from fighting on the evening of May 6th. Yet the proportion of the casualties that resulted from the morning's charge was undoubtedly high.[15]

After the war, many of the veterans of Seymour's brigade reflected bitterly on their experiences in the Wilderness, which many deemed a useless sacrifice. Colonel William H. Ball of the 122nd Ohio complained in his report that "in the assault my regiment had no support whatever." Meanwhile Osceola Lewis summed up the feelings of many--fairly or unfairly--when he pinned the blame on the man who had led the brigade for all of two days: "The same authority that governed the unlucky day at Olustee, and led the fruitless assault on Fort Wagner, conducted this handful of braves in the charge of May 6th against fortified thousands...."[16]

Seymour's brigade had now suffered bloody repulses twice on the right flank of the Army of the Potomac. As it withdrew to its lines to rest and recover, the men could not know that before the day was out they would feel a more stinging defeat, one coupled with despair and humiliation.

----------
[1] J.H. Gilson, Concise History of the 126th Regiment Ohio Volunteer Infantry (Salem Ohio: Walton, Steam Job and Label Printer, 1883), 32.
[2] Lorenzo D. Barnhart, The Reminiscences of Lorenzo D. Barnhart, Company B, 110th Ohio, available online at http://www.frontierfamilies.net/family/Wildenet.htm, accessed May 3, 2014.
[3] OR XXXVI Part 1, 745.
[4] Osceola Lewis, History of the 138th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry (Norristown, PA: Wills, Iredell & Jenkins, 1866), 84.
[5] Gilson, Concise History, 33.
[6] OR XXXVI Part 1, 751.
[7] Gordon Rhea, The Battle of the Wilderness: May 5-6, 1864 (Baton Rouge: LSU Press, 1994, 318-319);  Edward Steere, The Wilderness Campaign: The Meeting of Grant and Lee (Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 1960), 319-320.
[8] Lewis, History of the 138th, 85-86.
[9] Francis Cordrey, "The Wilderness: What a Private Saw and Felt in that Horrible Place," National Tribune, June 21, 1894.
[10] Lewis, History of the 138th, 85-86.
[11] "Personal Sketch of Cyrus G. Cook," Personal Sketches Presented to Corporal Skelly G.A.R. Post 9, Adams County Historical Society (1892), 51.
[12] Cordrey, "The Wilderness: What a Private Saw and Felt in that Horrible Place." NT, June 21, 1894.
[13] OR XXXVI Part 1, 748.
[14] Lewis, History of the 138th, 88; "Personal Sketch of Cyrus G. Cook," Personal Sketches.
[15] OR XXXVI Part 1, 748; Lewis, History of the 138th, 93; Moses Moorhead Granger, The Official War Record of the 122nd Regiment of Ohio Volunteer Infantry (Zanesville, Ohio: George Lilienthal, Printer, 1912), 70.
[16] OR XXVI Part I, 745; Lewis, History of the 138th, 90.

Monday, February 17, 2014

150 Years Ago This Month- Charlottesville's Brush with Civil War Combat

This month one hundred and fifty years ago, Charlottesville, Virginia found itself in the sights of George Armstrong Custer, and witnessed its brief and only encounter with Civil War combat.

Map of the counties of Greene, Madison, Page, and Rockingham, and parts of the counties of Albemarle, Augusta, Culpeper, Louisa, Orange, and Rappahannock, Va. Virginia Historical Society. Access full screen, zoomable map here.
In the pre-dawn darkness of February 29th, 1864, Custer led a force of 1,500 cavalrymen southwest out of Madison Court-House, leaving behind the security of the Army of the Potomac's 6th corps to plunge deep into enemy territory. The column included elements of several regiments, including the 1st, 2nd, and 5th U.S., the 1st New York Dragoons, 6th Pennsylvania, 1st New Jersey, and 6th Ohio. The troopers moved at a deliberate gait. At the small hamlet of Wolftown they dispersed a handful of rebel pickets, and then splashed across the shallow and sluggish waters of the Rapidan River at Banks Mill Ford with the first light of day. The pace quickened on the south side of the river, and the column traversed another six miles to Stanardsville by 8:15 in the morning. After scattering another picket post, Custer and his men took the road toward their objective: Charlottesville, another twenty-odd miles distant. For the second time in its history, the seat of Albemarle County was the target of a lightning cavalry raid. In 1781 Lieutenant Colonel Banastre Tarleton hoped to bag Governor Thomas Jefferson and disrupt the Virginia Legislature. Now, on Leap Day of 1864, Custer set his sights on the Virginia Central Railroad Bridge over the Rivanna River at the base of Jefferson's "little mountain." The Virginia Central was a critical link between the Army of Northern Virginia and the foodstuffs of the Shenandoah Valley.
This image of General Custer was
taken just weeks before
his raid into Albemarle County.
Source: Library of Congress.

Custer's raid was a diversion, intended to keep Confederate attention focused away from the true show: the Kilpatrick / Dahlgren Raid that aimed at nothing short of attacking the rebel capital and liberating thousands of prisoners-of-war. As Custer's troopers plodded along on this chilly February morning, their leader was well aware of the vulnerability of his small column. Maj. Gen. George Meade had ordered Custer to destroy the railroad bridge only if doing so was "consistent with the security of his return within supporting distance of Madison Court-House." Cavalry Commander Alfred Pleasonton added a stern caution to these instructions, explaining to Custer that "the enemy may be able to throw forward cavalry and infantry to interrupt your progress." The brash twenty-four year old took these ominous warnings to heart.

Along their path, the Yankee raiders attracted the curiosity of the local population. More than one hundred enslaved African Americans joined the column, in the hopes of finding their way to freedom, while many of the white men along the route found themselves forcibly attached to the column. Sketch artist Alfred Waud traveled with Custer and wrote a descriptive account for Harper's Weekly. "The men were exceedingly disgusted when they found they had to accompany the column as temporary prisoners," he wrote. "The female relatives of one person hung about him with outcries and shrieks, as if they imagined he would be led at once to execution."

Information collected along the route indicated that Fitzhugh Lee's division of cavalry awaited the raiders in Charlottesville. Unfortunately for Custer, the information was misleading. Such was the crisis in procuring and feeding mounts for the Army of Northern Virginia that winter, that Fitz Lee had at first dispersed his division on both sides of the Blue Ridge Mountains, and eventually disbanded many of the units to return home for horses. The only Confederate forces up ahead in Charlottesville were four batteries of the Stuart Horse Artillery--under the temporary command of Captain Marcellus N. Moorman.

Alfred Waud included these sketches with his account of Custer's Raid in the  March 26th, 1864 edition of Harper's Weekly.
Custer and his men reached the Rivanna River six miles north of Charlottesville at about 3:00 p.m., driving Confederate videttes before them. They crossed the river at Rio Bridge, and ran into their first serious resistance about a mile and a half south of the river. Disposed on a hilltop Custer observed what he believed to be a substantial force of cavalry supported by four batteries of artillery. Meanwhile, from the town in the distance Custer's men noted the hissing and chugging sounds of trains arriving from the direction of Gordonsville - certainly infantry reinforcements they concluded.

Captain Moorman had barely learned of Custer's approach from a Lieutenant in the 1st Virginia Cavalry when the federals had begun to cross the Rivanna. He frantically wired Lynchburg for reinforcements, but probably realized that no help was within reach. With no time to retreat, Moorman ordered four artillery pieces into battery on a rise of ground commanding his winter camp on Rio Hill, while his men pulled the rest of the guns back. He then drew up his artillerymen into a mounted formation supporting the guns, hoping to present the appearance of cavalry.

Custer summoned Captain Joseph Penrose Ash, a superb junior officer in the 5th U.S. Cavalry. Desiring to assess the enemy's true strength, Custer ordered Ash to take two squadrons and assail the enemy's right flank. Captain Ash and about 65 men moved off to the east and crossed the river downstream at Cook's Ford. The squadrons charged into the Confederate camps, scattering the mounted force deployed in front of Moorman's guns. The federals set fire to the camp while destroying six caissons and two artillery forges. Meanwhile Custer deployed two guns to duel with Moorman's four, and soon one of the Confederate artillery pieces exploded. The explosion evidently rattled and confused the federal cavalry, and the main body that had crossed the river at Rio Bridge mistook Ash's men for Confederates and opened fire. Just at this moment Moorman's make-shift mounted command launched a charge of their own.

Wary of his vulnerable position deep in enemy territory, Custer was in no mood to push his luck. Between the artillery fire raining down upon his men, the false information from citizens and prisoners, Moorman's bold show of force, and the noise of trains rattling in the distance, Custer convinced himself that his small command faced grave danger. The destruction of the Virginia Central Railroad Bridge would have to wait for another day. "Learning of the vast superiority of the numbers of the enemy," he wrote in his report, "I determined to withdraw my command."

Map of Albemarle : Made under the direction of Maj. A.H. Campbell Capt. Engs. in charge of Top. Dept. D.N.V. from surveys and reconnaissances, 1864. Virginia Historical Society. Accessed at Library of Congress website.
The federal horse soldiers repelled Moorman's charge, but then began to recross the Rivanna. Moorman and his artillerist had successfully defended Charlottesville. Custer's men put the Rio bridge to flames, along with a mill on the north side of the river, and began to retrace their route to Stanardsville. Hastened by an imaginary foe with great numbers, the tired command stumbled along until 9 p.m. that night, when it stopped to feed and rest the horses. The temperatures dropped and the night turned rainy and miserable. Alfred Waud recorded:
All had to lie upon the ground and get wet through. It was difficult to get fires to burn, and the rain began to freeze upon the limbs of the trees, so that by morning everything appeared to be cased in crystal.
Wet, miserable, and exhausted, the column set out again early the next morning. At daylight on March 1st, the hunt was on. Having received word of Custer's raid on Charlottesville, J.E.B. Stuart had gathered up several companies of the 1st and 2nd Virginia Cavalry, encamped about Orange Court-House, and set off in an attempt to cut Custer off from his infantry supports north of the Rapidan. Stuart's troopers clashed with Custer's men at several points between Stanardsville and Banks Mill Ford. "the cannon-shot made a wonderful crashing among the frost-bound limbs of the forest," recorded Waud. Eventually, Custer and his men slipped away from Stuart and recrossed the Rapidan at Banks Mill Ford unmolested.

You can follow most of the route of Custer's Raid today. As best I can tell based on first-hand accounts and period maps, this map marks out a pretty accurate approximation of Custer's route.

By dark of March 1st, the column was back within the safety of Union lines at Madison Court-House. Custer summed up his accomplishments in his report as follows:
My command returned to its camp without having suffered the loss of a man. While on this expedition it marched upwards of 150 miles, destroyed the bridge over the Rivanna River, burned 3 large flouring mills filled with grain and flour, captured 6 caissons and 2 forges, with harness complete; captured 1 standard bearing the arms of Virginia, over 50 prisoners, and about 500 horses, besides bringing away over 100 contrabands.
In the wake of the disaster of the Kilpatrick / Dahlgren raid, the top brass of the Army of the Potomac was anxious to tout Custer's accomplishments as a tremendous success. They were quick to accept Custer's report of significant opposition. Charlottesville, and the Virginia Central Railroad Bridge, remained within Confederate control for another year. But for over 100 individuals, Custer's brief raid brought freedom.

Monday, January 20, 2014

Preliminary Schedule Posted for Wilderness & Spotsylvania Sesquicentennial Commemoration

As we move into 2014, I've started looking forward to the next big Sesquicentennial events here in Virginia. May will bring the 150th anniversary of Grant's Overland Campaign. Fredericksburg & Spotsylvania National Military Park has posted a preliminary schedule for their commemorative events. The programs include real-time tours such as a "Sunrise in the Widow Tapp's Field" program on May 6th. Other events will include a vigil for the 22 hours of continuous combat at the Bloody Angle on May 12th, and a Celebration of Freedom to mark the ending of slavery in Virginia and commemorate the first combat between United States Colored Troops and the Army of Northern Virginia.

I've only been able to attend one commemorative event during the Sesquicentennial so far, at Gettysburg. But I plan to attend as many of the events that I can this May.

Sunday, November 3, 2013

News and Notes - November 2013

I've let about two weeks pass since my last post, and so I thought a quick update might be in order. I continue to settle into life in Charlottesville, Virginia, and unfortunately I have not had much time to devote to the blog. I recently accepted a position at Monticello, and I've devoted the spare time I've had between unpacking and other tasks to brushing up on my knowledge of Jefferson, Revolutionary America, and the Early Republic. As a result, my Civil War reading and research has taken a back seat. While the posts might not come as frequently as they used to, they will keep coming. My next substantive entry will continue my series on French's Pets.

As the blog moves forward, it will evolve a bit to take into account my new location. Initially, Battlefield Back Stories largely focused on the Battle of Gettysburg - a reflection of the fact that I have spent far more time exploring that field than any other Civil War battleground. After all, you cannot write quality accounts of Civil War battles without comprehending the terrain the contending armies fought over. Over time, I have broadened this focus quite frequently, and with my new-found proximity to Virginia battlefields, I hope to continue that trend.

We approach the 150th anniversaries of the Gettysburg Address and the Mine Run Campaign. One of these commemorations will receive a good deal of attention, and I look forward to observing how the national media remembers Lincoln's words. The other will register little more than a blip on most people's radar. As we move towards 2014, I look forward to taking part in some of the sesquicentennial commemorations here in Virginia, but I wonder how much attention these anniversaries will receive outside the circle of Civil War enthusiasts.

Wednesday, September 18, 2013

News and Notes: Chickamauga 150

Tonight I thought would take a quick break from the packing to write a quick Chickamauga-themed update for the blog. The move to Virginia is less than two weeks away, and hopefully once I'm settled I can resume posts on a fairly regular basis.

As we commemorate yet another 150th anniversary I've run across some interesting items on the web today:

I've never been out to Chickamauga myself, but I hope to one day. I'll be following along from afar as I can over the next few days, and hopefully I'll get a better grasp of what to me has always been a hugely confusing battle.

Wednesday, August 28, 2013

The Last March of the Iron Brigade

A great video produced by Gettysburg National Military Park that covers my favorite experience from the 150th anniversary.


Tuesday, July 30, 2013

News and Notes: Busy Times

It's been over a week since my last blog post, and unfortunately my time for blogging has been limited of late. I've made it through Hall of Fame Induction Weekend at work - the busiest time of the year - and over the next few weeks much of my free time will be spent in planning for a special day next month (I'm getting married). As a result, I will likely have fewer blog posts in August.

That said, I haven't completely shut down the work on new content for Battlefield Backstories. I've begun some research for a fairly substantial series of posts that will follow a division of the Army of the Potomac from the days after Gettysburg through the end of the war. And this weekend I will head down to the Antietam Battlefield with a group of friends for a camping trip. I haven't been to Antietam since 2008, so I'm excited to get out on the field and hope to spend a great deal of time on the hiking trails that wind through the battlefield. I am sure it will inspire a new blog post or two. I've also just picked up Bruce Levine's The Fall of the House of Dixie from the local library. Last year I really enjoyed reading Levine's book on Confederate Emancipation, so I'm excited to dig into his latest. A Library Corner post will follow when I finish.

While Battlefield Backstories has been relatively quite of late, many other Civil War blogs have had interesting content over the last few weeks. In the aftermath of Gettysburg's 150th, many are asking if the sesquicentennial is "over" for the media and for mass public audiences. Kevin Levin and Brooks Simpson have considered this over the last week. You can read Levin's take here and here. Simpson offers some thoughts that can be found here and here. My own (very brief) commentary: certainly the attention to 1864/65 commemorative events will not equal Gettysburg, at least until Appomattox. Yet, I think public historians should view the next two years as an excellent opportunity to engage public audiences with the story of the last two years of the war, and to foster a better understanding of this dark period in our nation's history.

Elsewhere on the blogosphere, Jimmy Price offers a post on the 149th anniversary of the Battle of 1st Deep Bottom.

That's all for now.

Thursday, June 13, 2013

"Nothing but a Vast Road" - 150 Years Ago This Week

14th Brooklyn monument at Gettysburg. Photo by Ron Zanoni. Creative Commons Licensing.
As the month of June wore on, Fighting Joe Hooker continued to grapple with a vexing question: just where was his counterpart, Robert E. Lee, heading? Despite later claims to the contrary, the cavalry fight at Brandy Station had not revealed Lee's hand to the Army of the Potomac commander. By June 13, two competing possibilities still loomed large in Hooker's mind: (1) that a major cavalry raid led by J.E.B. Stuart was in the offing, and (2) that Lee intended to move his army toward the Shenandoah Valley en route to the Potomac River, Maryland, and Pennsylvania. Finally, the 13th brought concrete intelligence that would allow Hooker to make up his mind. Word arrived at headquarters that two rebel corps had passed through Sperryville headed in the direction of the Valley. This news stirred headquarters into action, and soon a circular went out to each corps: "This army," relayed Assistant Adjutant-General Seth Williams, "will be transferred from this line to the Orange and Alexandria Railroad." The great pursuit began. That evening, at around 7 p.m., Hooker composed a dispatch to Major General Halleck in Washington, informing his superior of his intention of abandoning the line along the Rappahannock in order to better cover Washington D.C.

Lee had stolen a march on Hooker, and now his army faced the possibility of being cut off from Washington. With a blistering June heat wave baking the roads of Virginia, only hard marching could now remedy the situation. On June 18th, a member of the nattily attired 14th Brooklyn took a brief moment to update his hometown paper. "I suppose you know by this time..." he began, "that our army has moved." He went on to describe the forced marches that he and his comrades had recently endured:
The General put us through this day, marching us two and three miles at a time through the hot sun, without a rest. Our doctor was put under arrest for giving so many passes to the men who were "played out".... We have marched over 95 miles since we have started, through dust six inches deep and the sun coming down red hot. You could fill a canteen with cold water and in ten minutes time it would be like hot water. A great many officers and men were sun struck on the route. One of Gen. Wadsworth's staff fell off his horse sun struck.
This hard marching brought the Army of the Potomac northward in order to prevent a sudden Confederate thrust toward Washington. It could not however, save the surprised Federal garrison at Winchester. On the afternoon of June 14th, Joseph Hooker received an ominous telegraph from Washington:
Major-General Hooker:
Do you consider it possible that 15,000 of Ewell's men can now be at Winchester?
A. Lincoln
It was possible, as General Robert H. Milroy was finding out that very day. As his scattered command disintegrated in the face of Richard Ewell's onslaught, the realities of a Confederate invasion began to set in across the north. In Pennsylvania,  Governor Curtin had already called for the organization of a homeguard militia. Yet militia alone would not be enough to stop the vaunted Lee. For the veterans of the Army of the Potomac, the march would continue. On June 21, our Brooklyn solider would take pen in hand again as he marked time near Gilford Station in Loudon County, Virginia. "The part of Virginia we are now in is splendid," he recorded, "but the parts we came through to get here were awful; nothing but a vast road."

Soon, the 14th Brooklyn would leave war-ravaged Virginia behind for the rolling farmlands of southern Pennsylvania.

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A note on sources: The quotations provided here were obtained through the 14th Brooklyn's Civil War newspaper clippings file available online as part of the excellent website run by the New York State Military Museum and Veterans Research Center

Monday, June 3, 2013

150 Years Ago This Week: The Campaign Began

The town of Gettysburg in July, 1863. Image by Mathew Brady, Image source: New York Public Library Digital Gallery.

By June of 1863, the citizens of Gettysburg, Pennsylvania had lived with war for two years. Many of the residents had seen their sons march off to fight in several regiments, including the 1st Pennsylvania Reserves, the 87th Pennsylvania, and the 138th Pennsylvania. Some of these soldiers had already returned in coffins, or rested in distant graves. While somewhat removed from the major scenes of conflict in Virginia, from the early days of the war Gettysburgians had demonstrated a keen awareness of their proximity to the Potomac River and their vulnerability to Confederate excursions into the North. In the fall of 1862, their fears nearly became a reality during Lee's invasion of Maryland. During that campaign, federal cavalry from the Army of the Potomac occupied the town for a day and a half. In October of 1862, Confederate cavalry under J.E.B. Stuart had approached to within six miles of Gettysburg on a raid. Once again, Union cavalry arrived in town. Despite these close calls, more often than not rumors were just that, and while Gettysburgians continued to fear the potential of a Rebel invasion, the prospect seemed unlikely in June of 1863.

War news continued to dominate the pages of the local newspapers in Gettysburg as residents prepared for summer. The draft was coming, and on June 2nd The Sentinel led off its page two news items with full details. "A draft for 300,000 men will shortly be ordered by the President for the purpose of filling up the old regiments" the paper reported. The Sentinel, with its Republican bent, supported the Conscription Act, and noted that "many friends of the Union are impatient at the delay in ordering a draft."

The citizens of Gettysburg also closely followed news from the front. In early June, all eyes were on Vicksburg. The Sentinel reported that Grant's siege was progressing well, but that the Rebel troops in the city were holding out bravely, and hoped for relief from forces under command of General Joseph Johnston. "We cannot tell what a day may bring forth," the editor related. Meanwhile, wild rumors of Rebel movements in Virginia had begun to circulate. In the very same June 2nd edition, The Sentinel attempted to discredit some of these whispers. For many days people had talked of a Rebel advance down the Shenandoah Valley. "From the latest accounts up to night before last," The Sentinel explained, "the whole affair was the act of a few straggling guerillas-some of whom were caught." Contrary to the rumors, no enemy had been found within ten miles of Harper's Ferry.

Indeed, on June 2nd, Lee's army remained in its camp south of the Rappahannock River. But it would not stay for long. On Wednesday, June 3rd, the Army of Northern Virginia began to pull away from the vicinity of Fredericksburg. The First Corps divisions of Lafayette McLaws and John Bell Hood were the first to go. On Thursday, Robert Rodes' division followed, and on Friday, June 5th, the rest of Ewell's Second Corps took up the march. They would move towards Culpeper Court House, and thence toward the Shenandoah Valley. By June 5th, Major General Joseph Hooker had concluded that Lee was attempting to move north to the Potomac River, or to cut him off from Washington. By June 6th, he would have word of a Confederate column at Culpeper Court House, and the following afternoon he would issue orders to cavalry chief Alfred Pleasonton to take all of his cavalry and 3,000 infantry across the Rappahannock to destroy these forces. The Gettysburg Campaign had begun.

Many miles to the north, Gettysburgians worried about the progress of the war, and the safety of their loved ones in the army. Yet none of them could imagine how drastically the war would change their lives in just one month.